Saturday 25th May 2019

Resource Clips


Posts tagged ‘b.c.’

Commerce Resources and two Inuit corporations sign LOI to advance northern Quebec rare earths

May 15th, 2019

by Greg Klein | May 15, 2019

Commerce Resources and two Inuit corporations sign LOI to advance northern Quebec rare earths

The parties consider Inuit involvement critical to this critical minerals project.

 

While a project that would provide essential raw materials continues towards pre-feasibility, a letter of intent ensures Inuit participation, the signatories announced May 15. The Nayumivik Landholding Corporation of Kuujjuaq and the Makivik Corporation signed the LOI with Commerce Resources TSXV:CCE regarding the Ashram rare earths deposit in arctic Quebec’s Nunavik region.

The letter marks “a first for Nunavik mining development, specifically for a pre-development project,” said Maggie Emudluk, Makivik VP of economic development. The LOI ensures “Inuit will be directly involved upstream in any discussions and proposed planning of this project. They will also be enabled to provide insights and share concerns during the progression of the project. Makivik is pleased that the LOI is in accordance with the Nunavik Inuit Mining Policy objectives that look forward to establishing clear lines of communication with the industry.”

Commerce Resources and two Inuit corporations sign LOI to advance northern Quebec rare earths

The Nunavik Mineral Exploration Fund held the recent
Nunavik Mining Workshop to discuss the region’s
mineral potential as well as its rich culture.

With one of the most advanced deposits outside China hosting these elements deemed critical by the U.S., Ashram shows favourable metallurgy as well as grade. The project’s rare earths occur within carbonatite host rock and the minerals monazite, bastnasite and xenotime, which are familiar to commercial REE processing. Near-surface mineralization further optimizes potential cost advantages.

Using a base case 1.25% cutoff, a 2012 resource shows:

  • measured: 1.59 million tonnes averaging 1.77% total rare earth oxides

  • indicated: 27.67 million tonnes averaging 1.9% TREO

  • inferred: 219.8 million tonnes averaging 1.88% TREO

The deposit also features some of the most sought-after REEs, with a strong distribution of neodymium, europium, terbium, dysprosium and yttrium. Metallurgical tests also show potential for a fluorspar byproduct.

“We look forward to working closely with Commerce and Makivik Corporation to implement the LOI during the pre-development phase of the proposed Ashram deposit,” commented Sammy Koneak, Nayumivik Landholding president. “We are confident that continued communication between the parties under the terms and spirit of the LOI will result in ongoing respect for our rights and our environment.”

Commerce president Chris Grove heralded the LOI as “a milestone that speaks to the cooperation between all parties— a document that recognizes the primacy of the James Bay Agreement, the practicalities of advancing our Ashram deposit through the next few years of development, the practicalities of getting our material to world markets, and the best way to achieve our collective goals of a new producing mine in Nunavik through the cooperation of the Inuit and Commerce towards our mutual benefit. We look forward to this future with the Inuit in Nunavik.”

The urgency of securing rare earths and other critical minerals has been recognized in a number of American government initiatives. This week the U.S. exempted rare earths and other critical minerals from tariffs imposed on China, emphasizing America’s reliance on a trade war enemy for commodities essential to the economy and defence. Last week a bipartisan group of U.S. senators proposed legislation to reduce their country’s reliance on unreliable sources of critical minerals.

Looking at other critical minerals, Commerce holds the Niobium Claim Group just a few kilometres from Ashram. Working towards a 75% earn-in, Saville Resources TSXV:SRE awaits assays from this year’s spring drill program. Previous intervals of near-surface, high-grade niobium along with tantalum support the company’s optimism.

Commerce also holds the Blue River tantalum-niobium deposit in southern British Columbia, which reached PEA in 2011.

Friends of Morden Mine president Sandra Larocque welcomes plans to restore the historic B.C. site

May 15th, 2019

…Read more

B.C. minister of energy and mines Michelle Mungall exaggerates deeply in a Black Press interview

May 10th, 2019

…Read more

Car-dependent carbon culture votes Green in B.C.’s Nanaimo-Ladysmith

May 6th, 2019

by Greg Klein | May 6, 2019

The latest Canadian riding to go Green is a town that lives and breaths—literally—carbon fuels.

If Greens officially subscribe to a morally-superior hierarchy of CO2-reducing modes of transportation, walking would probably hold the apex. And Nanaimo-Ladysmith, in a March 6 federal by-election the latest Canadian riding to vote Green, offers great places to walk. But that’s provided walkers stick to the greenbelts and harbourfront pathway. Anywhere else they’re subjected to car culture at possibly Canada’s most overbearing extreme, far surpassing Calgary and Edmonton.

Speed limits surprise newcomers. So do the speeders, who generally exceed limits with impunity, routinely running stop signs, red lights and pedestrian-inhabited crosswalks. Apparently one recent exception will be the local RCMP superintendent’s commuting route. He’s finally gotten sick of getting the finger from drivers zooming past his unmarked vehicle.

Gasp! Carbon culture votes Green in B.C.’s Nanaimo-Ladysmith

“Honk if you’re Green”: The party woos its constituency.
(Photo: Green Party)

What accompanies the high speeds is the noise, that relentless Nanaimo noise. It drowns out all the sounds of nature that Greens should appreciate: the wind in the trees, birds singing, crickets chirping in late summer. You can hear them alright, during brief lulls in roaring traffic. But shortly after moving here, newcomers become acutely aware of how vehicles rocketing around at tremendous speeds make an awfully, awfully much louder racket than those roaming about at normal city speeds.

Intensifying the high-speed noise are the faulty mufflers. Do Nanaimo drivers actually tamper with them to accentuate their presence? Or does some regional malady cause Nanaimo mufflers to malfunction like nowhere else?

Driving habits might be considered a Green issue too, if they discourage walking and cycling. Most Nanaimo drivers reflect the city’s general good nature, but a significant minority bomb around with reckless disregard for others, especially pedestrians. People in Nanaimo who do a lot of walking (there aren’t all that many) get used to scrambling out of the way of drivers.

They’re not just young punks flexing their vicarious muscles or arrogant old farts who came of age in an era of driver entitlement. Far too many young, middle-aged and old men and women, even parents with kids on board, drive as if they hunger for pedestrian roadkill. Experienced Nanaimo walkers tend to avoid crossing streets at intersections, where dangerous drivers can tear towards them from four directions.

But getting back to living and breathing carbon fuels, especially breathing them—is there any place in Canada with so much really filthy vehicle exhaust? Experienced walkers try to hold their breath for extended periods as obviously filthy vehicles pollute their presence. Regular lungs-full of toxins occur frequently in a routine Nanaimo walk.

As a result frequent spitting, perhaps not the most environmentally conscientious habit, takes place in efforts to purge a body of Nanaimo’s carbon culture.

So who here voted Green—a crunchy granola elite detached from all this? Green winner Paul Manly’s lawn signs coincided unabashedly on residential properties with typically big-ass Nanaimo gas-guzzlers.

Although the riding had been considered a New Democratic Party safe seat, the incumbent NDP came in third with 23.1% of the vote, behind Greens with 37.3% and Conservatives with 24.8% but well above the Liberals’ 11%.

Certainly the third-place NDP asked for a rebuke. The federal seat came open after the former NDP MP resigned to campaign for provincial MLA. That seat came open after the previous NDP MLA resigned to campaign for mayor. Taxpayers have paid millions of dollars to satisfy these NDP career moves.

Another possible issue, although not one in which the Greens offer any realistic response, was last year’s very sudden influx of homeless people. As is elsewhere in southwestern B.C., the problem of how to help the poor and mentally disturbed becomes frustrated by addiction-driven crime.

The Nanaimo-Ladysmith victory gives the Greens only its second federal seat, but follows a string of provincial and municipal successes in Prince Edward Island, New Brunswick, Ontario, Vancouver and Burnaby that have greatly expanded the party beyond its original vehicle-dependent Vancouver Island stronghold.

But Nanaimo, of all places—can this possibly be a sincere environmental movement? Or is something else, maybe confused disenchantment with the older parties or just attraction to a fashionable new brand, driving the Greens’ continuing success?

Belmont Resources announces Nevada lithium results

May 2nd, 2019

by Greg Klein | May 2, 2019

Reporting from the Kibby Basin project in Nevada, Belmont Resources TSXV:BEA released assays from the most recent hole on the 2,056-hectare property. After reaching a depth of 256 metres into lakebed sediments, the hole averaged 100 ppm lithium, ranging from 38 ppm to 127 ppm.

Belmont Resources announces Nevada lithium results

With only four holes sunk so far, most
of the 2,056-hectare Kibby Basin project
remains unexplored.

Groundwater samples showed the presence of saline, rather than fresh water that’s rich in sodium and magnesium but low in lithium, the company stated. “The presence of shallow aquifers containing saline groundwater with chemical composition similar to, but lower than that of lithium brines is encouraging for the discovery of lithium brines deeper in the basin.”

Results from previous drilling indicate continued potential for lithium brines in unexplored areas of the property, Belmont added. A 2018 hole about 2,300 metres southwest brought intervals of 393 ppm lithium over 42.4 metres and 415 ppm over 30.5 metres, reaching a high of 580 ppm.

MGX Minerals CSE:XMG has spent $300,000 on exploration so far to earn 25% of the project. The company may increase its interest to 50% with another $300,000 of work.

In March the companies announced a “milestone” water rights permit that might be the first of its kind for Nevada. The permit allows extraction of up to 943.6 million U.S. gallons of water annually for brine processing and potential production of lithium compounds. About 91% of the water would be returned to the source, the companies stated.

Also last March, Belmont announced a foray into southern British Columbia’s busy Greenwood camp with the acquisition of a 253-hectare property in a region of historic gold, copper, silver, lead and zinc mining. The company has historic data under review to prepare for exploration this year.

In northern Saskatchewan, Belmont shares a 50/50 interest in two uranium properties with International Montoro Resources TSXV:IMT.

Saville Resources reports favourable geology, plans Phase II drilling at Quebec niobium-tantalum project

April 29th, 2019

by Greg Klein | April 29, 2019

Assays are pending but the first drill program since 2010 has Saville Resources TSXV:SRE optimistic about results. With five holes totalling 1,049 metres, the season devoted four holes to the Mallard target in the property’s southeastern area. Historic, non-43-101 results from Mallard’s previous campaign brought near-surface high grades that included:

  • 0.82% Nb2O5 over 21.89 metres, starting at 58.93 metres in downhole depth

  • 0.72% over 21.35 metres, starting at 4.22 metres
  • (including 0.9% over 4.78 metres)
Saville Resources reports favourable geology, plans Phase II drilling at Quebec niobium-tantalum project

A spring campaign under winter conditions
comprised the project’s first drill program since 2010.

True widths were unknown.

The spring campaign sunk an additional hole 60 metres from another location of high-grade, near-surface results that included an historic, non-43-101 interval of 0.71% Nb2O5 over 15.33 metres, starting at 55.1 metres. The new hole tested the intercept down-dip as well as the strike extension of the main mineralized zone.

“In each hole, favourable rock types and coarse-grained pyrochlore mineralization were visually identified over varying widths and concentrations,” the company stated. “Portable XRF data and detailed geological logging further support these observations.”

Saville plans further drilling at Mallard, as well as Miranna and several other targets, to build a 43-101 resource estimate. Previous boulder samples from Mallard include an exceptional 5.93% Nb2O5, as well as 2.75%, 4.24% and 4.3% Nb2O5. Tantalum samples from the area reached up to 1,040, 1,060 and 1,220 Ta2O5.

Work on the 1,223-hectare Niobium Claim Group takes place under a 75% earn-in from Commerce Resources TSXV:CCE, whose Ashram rare earths deposit a few kilometres away moves towards pre-feasibility.

In early April Saville released assays from last year’s campaign on the Bud property in southern British Columbia’s historic Greenwood mining camp, with samples reaching as high as 4.57 g/t gold, 27.7 g/t silver and 6.7% copper.

A private placement first tranche that closed in December brought Saville $311,919. In March the company optioned its James Bay-region Covette nickel-copper-cobalt property to Astorius Resources TSXV:ASQ. A 100% fulfillment would bring Saville $1.25 million over three years, with Astorius spending another $300,000 on exploration within two years. Saville retains a 2% NSR.

Read more about Saville Resources.

92 Resources increases its Quebec lithium-polymetallic potential with expanded acquisition

April 24th, 2019

by Greg Klein | April 24, 2019

An amended option with “no additional share, cash or work commitment” brings more land and greater prospects in northern Quebec’s James Bay region to 92 Resources TSXV:NTY. A 4,253-hectare increase to a previous 75% earn-in with Osisko Mining TSX:OSK now covers that company’s entire FCI property. Combined with 92’s adjacent and wholly owned Corvette project, the Corvette-FCI property now comprises three contiguous claim blocks in a 14,496-hectare parcel that stretches for over 25 kilometres along the Lac Guyer greenstone belt.

92 Resources increases its Quebec lithium-polymetallic potential with expanded acquisition

Past work at the newly acquired FCI West found 16 showings of base and precious metals along two parallel trends extending over 10 kilometres in length. Historic, non-43-101 assays from FCI West’s Golden Gap prospect included outcrop samples as high as 108.9 g/t gold, a 2003 drill interval of 10.5 g/t gold over seven metres and a channel sample of 14.5 g/t gold over two metres.

FCI West’s Tyrone-T9 prospect includes an historic, non-43-101 channel sample of 1.15% copper over 2.1 metres. Despite high-grade lithium showings at Corvette, FCI West has never been evaluated for the energy metal, the company stated.

Immediately south and west of 92’s new turf sits Azimut Exploration’s (TSXV:AZM) Pikwa property. Adjacently north of FCI West, Midland Exploration’s (TSXV:MD) 2018 field program on the Mythril project found outcrop and boulder samples grading 16.7% copper, 16.8 g/t gold and 3.04% molybdenum. 92 anticipates significant activity by multiple companies along the Lac Guyer greenstone belt this year “as the magnitude of the Mythril-style copper-gold mineralization unfolds.”

Regional infrastructure includes a powerline and the all-season Trans-Taiga Road 10 kilometres north of Corvette-FCI.

This year’s exploration program will follow evaluation of historic data, with work expected to wrap up in summer.

The amended option with Osisko would give 92 the additional claims by satisfying terms of the 75% earn-in on FCI East. That deal calls for an initial million shares, another million shares and $250,000 of work in year one, another $800,000 in year two and a further $1.2 million in year three, while Osisko acts as project operator. At that point the companies would form a 50/50 JV. Another $2 million in expenditures from 92 would raise the company’s stake to 75%. With FCI West now incorporated into that agreement, “no additional share, cash or work commitment is required by the company,” 92 emphasized.

The company retains a 100% interest in Corvette’s 172 claims.

92’s Quebec portfolio also includes the Pontax, Eastman and Lac du Beryl properties. Lithium-tantalum grab samples from Pontax have reached up to 0.94% Li2O and 520 ppm Ta2O5.

In British Columbia 92 holds the Silver Sands vanadium prospect and the Golden frac sand project. In the Northwest Territories, Far Resources CSE:FAT works towards a 90% earn-in on 92’s Hidden Lake lithium project.

92 closed a private placement of $618,000 last December.

Read more about 92 Resources here and here.

Canadian Greens surge again as party takes second place in PEI election

April 23rd, 2019

by Greg Klein | April 23, 2019

Press time results (seats at dissolution in parentheses)

  • Progressive Conservatives: 12 seats, 36.5% of the popular vote (8)
  • Greens: 8 seats, 30.6% (2)
  • Liberals: 6 seats, 29.5% (16)
  • New Democrats: 0 seats, 3% (0)
  • Independent: 0 seats, 0.4% (1)
  • (Voting in one district was postponed)

Promoting its use of wind energy, Prince Edward Island likes to call itself “Canada’s Green Province.” On April 23 PEI’s government just missed turning Green itself.

In an historic first for Canada, the home of Confederation voted Greens into second place, following a few years of electoral gains for the once-marginal party in other parts of the country. At press time the popular vote showed Dennis King’s Progressive Conservatives just 6% higher than Peter Bevan-Baker’s Green Party, which came in barely ahead of the incumbent Liberals whose leader Wade MacLauchlan lost his district to a Tory. But the seat count gave PCs 12, Greens eight and Liberals six. That raises the question of who will rule the province, and how. Among the possibilities is a Green-supported minority government, as is the case in British Columbia.

Canadian Greens surge again as party takes second place in PEI election

PCs won more seats but Greens flourished in the
land of Green Gables. (Photo: PEI government)

Voting in one of the province’s 27 districts was postponed following the death of Green candidate Josh Underhay and his six-year-old son in a Good Friday canoeing accident.

The Liberals collapsed after three terms in office despite budget surpluses and avowals that PEI had built Canada’s strongest economy. Still the country’s biggest potato producer, the province’s other main resource industry is fishing. Economic diversification includes an aerospace industry that accounts for 20% of provincial exports and a bioscience sector employing over 1,000 people.

With 27 electoral districts for a population estimated at 154,748, most winning candidates draw well under 1,500 votes. At 5,660 square kilometres, the province holds just over one-sixth the landmass of Vancouver Island.

But the Greens’ performance suggests continuing growth in some parts of Canada. Last October the party took three places each on Vancouver’s council, parks board and school board, along with one each on neighbouring Burnaby’s council and school board. In B.C.’s 2017 provincial election, Greens rose from one MLA to three, a feat matched by New Brunswick Greens last September. Ontario elected its first Green MPP in June.

Southern Vancouver Island hosts Canada’s sole Green MP, as well as the three MLAs who hold the balance of power supporting B.C.’s minority NDP government.

The environmentalist-nationalist Québec Solidaire went from three to 10 seats in October’s Quebec election.

Not surprisingly, however, Greens fared poorly in last week’s Alberta election, where the party polled only 0.4%. Should PEI PCs hold onto government, they’ll join Alberta along with Saskatchewan, Manitoba, Ontario and New Brunswick in a bloc of provincial conservative governments.

A referendum asking whether PEI should switch to a mixed-member proportional voting system passed in 15 of 27 districts but failed to reach the 17-district threshold.

Resource Works executive director Stewart Muir comments on B.C.’s growing awareness of the importance of its traditional industries

April 18th, 2019

…Read more

Alberta fights back

April 16th, 2019

New government promises bold measures to defend a resource-based economy

by Greg Klein

Updated results (seats at dissolution shown in parentheses)

  • United Conservative Party: 63 seats, 55.2% of the popular vote (25 seats)
  • New Democratic Party: 24 seats, 32.2% (52 seats)
  • Alberta Party: 0 seats, 9.2% (3)
  • Liberal Party: 0 seats, 1% (1)
  • Independent candidates: 0 seats, 0.5% (3)
  • Freedom Conservative Party: 0 seats, 0.5% (1)
  • Progressive Conservative Party: 0 seats, 0% (1)
  • (One vacant seat at dissolution)

 

The outcome wasn’t as surprising as last time, when the once-marginal New Democratic Party swept to power in what had long been a moderately conservative one-party province. Yet this was probably Alberta’s most dramatic election since 1935, when a victorious upstart tied to the economic movement known as Social Credit grabbed international attention. Rarely has Western alienation played out so strongly as in this campaign, provoked by Ottawa’s stance on, among other issues, the ongoing war against Canadian resource industries. Foreign interference in the form of U.S. money also came to light, while aspects of the culture wars helped inflame passions.

The new government promises bold measures to defend a resource-based economy

Back in the ’30s, however, William Aberhart’s Social Credit failed to enact the radical reforms intended to deal with the Great Depression. The results of incoming premier Jason Kenney’s bold talk remain to be seen, despite the overwhelming victory of his United Conservative Party. Kenney’s biggest challenge will be to overcome the opposition to pipelines and tankers that deprives Albertan oil producers of Asian markets and consequently much higher prices.

Certainly Kenney won a decisive mandate. Barely half an hour after polls closed, media projections called a UCP majority. The party comprises a 2017 merger of the Progressive Conservatives and Wildrose Party, which together polled 52% in 2015, compared with only 40.6% for the NDP. But that year the New Democrats took 54 of 87 seats.

Much of Kenney’s success came from his portrayal of “the Trudeau-Notley alliance,” in which he blamed the prime minister and incumbent premier for wrecking Alberta’s economy through a combination of appeasement, indifference and outright animosity. Notley, at best an ineffectual supporter of Alberta oil and at worst an ideological enemy, made an easy target. So did Justin Trudeau, struggling with an image tarnished by SNC-Lavalin, that scandal’s revelation of favouritism towards Quebec jobs, and policies towards Alberta jobs that evoked memories of his father’s National Energy Program, often blamed for wrecking Alberta’s economy during the 1980s.

The new government promises bold measures to defend a resource-based economy

Kenney found easy targets in the “Trudeau-Notley alliance”
but victory might give him tougher battles to fight.
(Image: United Conservative Party)

Allusions to the NEP surfaced in Kenney’s description of Bill C-69, “the Liberals’ ‘No More Pipelines’ Law” and “a federal sucker punch to an already-reeling Alberta economy.” Kenney promised a constitutional challenge.

He portrayed Notley’s opposition to Ottawa’s Bill C-48, banning oil tankers from northern B.C. ports, as an insincere and tardy effort.

Kenney committed to ditch Notley’s carbon tax and sue Ottawa if it tries to impose the federal carbon tax on Alberta, as Trudeau’s government has done to provinces that didn’t enact their own carbon taxes.

Addressing an especially sore point for Albertans, Kenney promised a referendum on equalization. Consistently punishing Alberta through good economic times and bad, the inter-provincial transfers of money consistently benefit Quebec through bad times and good.

Turning his confrontational stance westwards, Kenney vowed to take on Trans Mountain pipeline foe British Columbia “on day one” by proclaiming Alberta’s Turn off the Taps legislation. Also known as Bill 12, it would stop Alberta oil shipments to an Alberta oil-dependent province that opposes exports of Alberta oil to Asia. B.C., on the other hand, stands ready to defend its convenient ethics in court.

Kenney also vowed action on foreign funding in Canadian campaigns. The issue gained prominence just days before the vote, with an April 12 Financial Post article by researcher Vivian Krause. American money, she stated, was helping finance efforts to defeat UCP candidates, part of a much wider, ongoing U.S.-funded campaign to “landlock” Albertan oil and gas, as well as destroy other Canadian resource industries.

From the very beginning, the campaign strategy was to land-lock the tar sands so their crude could not reach the international market where it could fetch a high price per barrel.—Tar Sands Campaign
director Michael Marx,
as quoted by Vivian Krause

According to documents she’s made public, foreign money moved from activism and court challenges to specifically anti-UCP efforts that benefit the NDP.

A group called Progress Alberta was working against UCP candidates, while another group called Leadnow urged its supporters to join Progress Alberta’s anti-UCP efforts, she stated. Referring to U.S. tax returns, Krause reported that “both Leadnow and Progress Alberta are partially funded—US$62,843 (2016-2017) and US$162,587 (2013-2016) respectively—by the Tar Sands Campaign.” The Tar Sands Campaign gets its money from the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, she added.

Krause quoted Tar Sands Campaign director Michael Marx as stating: “From the very beginning, the campaign strategy was to land-lock the tar sands so their crude could not reach the international market where it could fetch a high price per barrel.”

Krause charged that Notley knew about the foreign-funded activity but refused to act.

Kenney was quick to follow up. “We now know that for months Rachel Notley has been sitting on a legal opinion indicating that the government of Alberta could take action against groups behind the Tar Sands Campaign,” he declared. “Some have estimated that Alberta is losing up to $16 billion a year in value from the price discount that results from our oil producers being captive to the U.S. market. This is a direct result of the campaign to landlock Canadian energy supported by the Tar Sands Campaign, which in the last year has succeeded in delaying the Trans Mountain Expansion, Keystone XL and the Line 3 replacement project.”

Some have estimated that Alberta is losing up to $16 billion a year in value from the price discount that results from our oil producers being captive to the U.S. market. This is a direct result of the campaign to landlock Canadian energy supported by the Tar Sands Campaign.—Jason Kenney

Kenney pledged to challenge the charitable status of foreign-funded groups, cut off their provincial funding, hold a public inquiry into foreign funding that attacks Albertan energy, ban foreign entities from financing political action committees and urge Ottawa to pass Bill S-239, which would ban foreign money from federal politics.

Krause has previously stated that Rockefeller money helped fund Leadnow’s anti-Conservative campaign in the 2015 federal election.

Now that a provincial government intends to act on her findings, something that started as a Quixotic one-woman campaign could have enormous impact. According to her figures, U.S. interests like the Rockefellers have paid Canadian activists well over half a billion dollars so far.

Of course the extent to which Kenney’s tough talk produces results remains to be seen. Still Notley had nothing to show for any claim of supporting Alberta resources. Kenney found it easy to associate her with the prime minister, the UCP’s continual target. The anti-pipeline Bill C-69 “is just one of the terrible consequences of the Trudeau-Notley alliance,” Kenney argued. “Alberta’s NDP gave Justin Trudeau licence to kill Northern Gateway, to surrender to a U.S. veto of Keystone XL, to change regulations that led to the death of Energy East and to fold in the face of the B.C. New Democrats’ obstruction of the Trans Mountain expansion. On top of that we’ve got Trudeau’s tanker ban, Bill C-48 and a cap on our oilsands.”

Krause pointed out that heavy-handed enviro-activism persisted despite Notley’s attempts at appeasement. The NDP increased the carbon tax, capped allowable emissions and created the world’s largest boreal forest preserve. “Surely the campaign against Alberta would finally be over,” Krause wrote. “But, again, no.”

The UCP victory adds considerable weight to moderate conservative provinces, now stretching from Alberta to Ontario and including New Brunswick. Along with the federal Conservatives, they could present troublesome interference to the federal Liberals’ re-election efforts in October. In fact as a six-term MP who served a number of cabinet positions in Stephen Harper’s Conservative government, Kenney could overshadow federal Conservative leader Andrew Scheer.

On the other hand, a strong conservative bloc might discourage the Liberals from almost any interest in economic issues, thereby freeing them to campaign exclusively on their Trudeauvian zeitgeist.